Labor and Education 


REPORT OF 

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR 
COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION^ 

ON 

SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE 
PUBLIC SCHOOLS 



AUGUST 28, 1923 


PUBLISHED BY 

THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 


FRANK MORRISON 

SECRETARY 


SAMUEL GOMPERS 
PRESIDENT 













LABOR AND EDUCATION 


REPORT ON SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS 


Submitted by the American Federation of Labor Committee on Education 


INTRODUCTION 


The report on social studies in the public schools compiled by the 
Committee on Education and submitted to the President and the 
Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor was formulated 
by a committee appointed under authority of the 1919 convention 
of the American Federation of Labor and continued in existence by 
subsequent conventions. 

The Executive Council under the authority conferred by the 
1919 convention, authorized the President of the American Federation 
of Labor to appoint a committee to investigate the selecting or preparing 
and publishing text books prepared for classes of workers. The com¬ 
mittee appointed by the president for this work consisted of Matthew 
Woll, President of the International Photo-Engravers; C. L. Baine, 
Secretary, Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union; John P. Frey, Editor of 
the Journal of the International Holders’ Union; Charles B. Stillman, 
President of the American Federation of Teachers and George W. 
Perkins, President of the Cigarmakers’ International Union. 

The 1922 convention of the American Federation of Labor, in ex¬ 
pressing its deep appreciation of the importance of the work entrusted 
to this committee, authorized its continuance as a permanent committee. 

The services of Otto S. Beyer aided the committee materially 
in much of the research work contained in the following pages. 

The publication of this report was authorized by the American 
Federation of Labor in advance of the 1923 convention and in this 
form will be presented to the convention. In addition to this, it is 
commended to the earnest attention of all who are interested in the 
problems of education. It will be found to be a most timely and im¬ 
portant contribution to the thought and knowledge in the most im¬ 
portant field. 

Ordered published by the Executive Council, August 28, 1923. 

American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. 








id Jbi- 


■h^ 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION ON SOCIAL STUDIES 
IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS 

To the President and the Executive Council of the A. F. of L.: 

Gentlemen: The activities of the American Federation of Labor in 
furthering the growth and progress of the public schools have been very 
effectively set forth in a pamphlet recently published: “Education for 
All, Official Record of the American Federation of Labor in the Struggle 
to Bring Knowledge to the Masses.'’ 

The first convention of the American Federation of Labor in 1881 de¬ 
clared: “We are in favor of the passage of such legislative enactments as 
will enforce, by compulsion, the education of children.” Other resolu¬ 
tions favoring compulsory education and the extension of the public 
school system were passed at subsequent conventions. In addition, the 
Federation has repeatedly advocated free text-books, large quotas of 
teachers, smaller classes, higher teachers’ salaries, security of tenure, 
democracy in education, training for citizenship, physical education, 
wider use of school plant, night schools, continuation schools, industrial 
and technical education, vocational guidance—in fact, almost every 
measure enlarging the usefulness of the public schools which has been 
approved by progressive educators. By a long record of sympathy 
and aid to the public educational system of the country, the Federation 
has established its accord with educational progress. 

Recently public attention has been turned to the social studies 
in the public schools. In accordance with its traditional policy the 
Federation voted in 1920 to undertake a comprehensive evaluation of the 
status of public education in these subjects —the courses, the text-books, 
the manner in which the subjects are taught, and the extent to which 
they have been introduced. 

Instruction in the field of social and economic studies is vitally con¬ 
cerned with wide-spread understanding of our social and economic 
institutions and forces. In order to raise the plane of instruction in 
civics, economics, sociology and history in our public schools, inter¬ 
pretations both on the written page and in oral instruction should follow 
upon synthetic consideration of all elements constituting the field. 
The prevailing defects of the past have been due to either a philosophy 
or a practice of repression. Labor is concerned that the factual bases 
of these studies shall be the important institutions and functions of 
national life. 

There are no more important determining factors than the economic 

We have had the valuable assistance in the research work for this report of O. S. Beyer, Jr., 
consulting engineer of New York. Harry H. Moore, Secretary of the National Committee for Teaching 
Citizenship, working with U. S. Bureau of-Education also gave valuable assistance, as did the pub¬ 
lishers who made available text-books published by them. 



4 


fabric to which the majority of citizens contribute the larger share of their 
creative energy. Labor does not believe that this .phase of social studies 
should be stressed to the exclusion of all others, but that it should have 
an emphasis commensurate with its significance. 

Charges have frequently been reiterated that social and economic 
studies as taught in public schools were lacking in that broad inclusive 
vision that reflects the common life. Whether this situation was due 
to partisan influences that sought to divert educational agencies to 
propaganda purposes or to an uncritical attitude that unconsciously 
accepts the conventional, the effect has been equally harmful. It has 
retarded our achieving a truthful and a unified understanding of 
economic and social forces and problems. 

Because we realize that educational progress conditions human 
progress we are concerned with suggestions for the development of better 
educational facilities and methods. The record of organized labor on 
education is ample earnest of our integrity of purpose and constructive 
method in submitting for consideration and practical application this 
report. 

The report presents facts on social studies in our public schools 
indicating what is wrong with our text-books and instruction. These 
factual arguments should constitute the strongest possible appeal 
to those writers and distributors of text-books who respond to profes¬ 
sional incentives. The committee believes the report contains con¬ 
structive suggestions which constitute definite standards for judgments 
by all concerned with the text-books—whether school boards, teachers, 
parents, citizens, authors, or publishers. 


5 


PART I 


Influences at Work in Public Education 

1. The Menace to Public Education. 

2. Who Is Responsible? 

3. Safeguards and Remedies. 

1. THE MENACE TO PUBLIC EDUCATION 

In recent years there have been well authenticated reports that selfish interests 
are seeking to use the public schools for propaganda purposes, are attempting an inde¬ 
fensible censorship of the utterances of teachers, and are undermining the dignity 
and independence of the teaching profession. Such activities strike at the very heart 
of successful democracy, and tend to tear down the usefulness of the structure of pub¬ 
lic education which the members of organized labor, in common with other public 
spirited citizens, have striven to build up. 

The trade-union movement in the United States has always taken a vital interest 
in public education and has in many instances throughout the past century been 
responsible for the extension and strengthening of the educational system of the 
country. Professor F. T. Carlton declares*: “The vitality of the movement for tax- 
supported schools was derived not from the humanitarian leaders, but from the grow¬ 
ing class of wage-earners.” Not, therefore, chiefly because the reactionary propa¬ 
ganda in question may tend to injure the immediate interests of working men 
and women, but rather because labor is proud of its record as the original 
organized sponsor of universal public education, and sees the importance to the 
nation of keeping the wells of truth undefiled, it was found necessary to investigate 
the accuracy of these reports, the extent of the damage done, and to inquire in 
what ways the trade unions may cooperate in the effort to give the youth of the 
country free and unfettered education which will enable them to cope with the prob¬ 
lems of the future. 

A manifestation of the attempt to restrict public school teaching, which is 
both menacing and undeniable, is the array of scattered cases throughout the coun¬ 
try where teachers or other educational authorities have actually been dismissed 
or suspended for holding views distasteful to industrial commercial and financial 
groups, or even for joining teachers’ unions. There are numerous such cases, which 
we have canvassed, but which we can not review here in any detail. 

2. WHO IS RESPONSIBLE? 

In an effort to find the causes of this drive on education we have investigated 
the more important organizations attempting to influence public education, for 
whatever purpose. 

Much of the pressure has come from local bodies such as Chambers of Com¬ 
merce, Rotary Clubs, and the like. 

The character and methods of such bodies differ from place to place, and can not 
be subjected to general classification. In so far as they are harmful, however, they 
derive their impetus mainly from two sources: First, the wave of hysteria against 
“radicalism” which passed over the country during and immediately after the w ar 

•Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in the U. S. 1820-50. Bulletin of the Univer¬ 
sity of Wisconsin—Vol.IV, 1908. 




6 


and which was spread indiscriminately in the press, the pulpit and other organs of 
expression, and was directed even against ordinary liberal movements and organized 
labor, and second, the calculated propaganda of national organizations. With the 
natural subsidence of the tide of hysteria and the reappearance of sanity and liberal¬ 
ism, much of the power of the first cause is removed, and the traces of its work 
are rapidly being effaced by the normal good sense of the American people. The 
national organizations, however, are for the most part still in existence and at work, 
and it is with these that we must deal. 

The national organizations actively interested in public education are of three 
kinds: (a) Professional associations and official or semi-official agencies directly 
and regularly concerned with education; ( b) philanthropic foundations and societies 
of long standing founded with educational objects but representing various points of 
view of those not actively engaged in education; and (c) organizations not primarily 
interested in education but attempting to influence the public schools from their 
special points of view. 

The following is a list of the national organizations classified according to the 
above definition: 

A. PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS 

American Federation of Teachers. 

The National Council for the Social Studies. 

National Education Association. 

B. PHILANTHROPIC EDUCATIONAL BODIES 

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. 

Educational Alliance. 

General Education Board. (Founded by John D. Rockefeller.) 

National Committee for Teaching Citizenship. 

Progressive Education Association. 

Public Education Association. 

C. OTHER ORGANIZATIONS ATTEMPTING TO INFLUENCE 

EDUCATION 

American Bankers’ Association. 

American Civic Association. 

"America First” Publicity Association. 

American Legion. 

Better America Federation. 

Chamber of Commerce of the United States. 

International Association of Rotary Clubs. 

Inter-Racial Council. 

National American Council. 

National Association for Constitutional Government. 

National Association of Manufacturers. 

National Industrial Conference Board. 

National Security League. 

In assessing the effect of these various organizations, account must be taken of the 
concrete meaning put into the generalization, which make up their programs. Many 
of them use terms such as "Americanism,” "Americanization,” "Loyalty,” "Patriot¬ 
ism,” etc., which seem quite admirable to the average citizen, but which, when 
translated into concrete terms under the influence of such a body as the "Better 
American Federation” often mean opposition to any action or opinion having the 
slightest liberal or progressive tendency. 


.7 


3. SAFEGUARDS AND REMEDIES 

The American labor movement does not wish public education to be influenced 
by partisan bodies of any kind. The persons most competent to judge in detail what 
should be taught and how it should be taught are those who are themselves engaged 
in the educational profession. The American Federation of Labor does not wish to 
exert, even in the smallest degree, the same kind of influence which reactionary 
organizations are attempting to exercise. It merely wishes to assist the educational 
profession and the general public to resist the encroachments of those who are 
attempting to use the schools in their own interest. 

Since only a constant watchfulness on the part of individuals everywhere 
will provide a permanent safeguard against this sort of influence, the most neces¬ 
sary task is an awakening of the public, as Professor Dewey says, by spreading 
the information broadcast about what is being done and the organizations responsible. 

Local labor bodies should be particularly alert to express, through any channels 
open to them, their resentment against any manifestation of the reactionary drive 
against public education. 

The best protection, however, will come from the professional independence 
and adequate information of the teachers themselves. When teachers are adequately 
paid, well informed on current problems, and able through the power of organiza¬ 
tion to resist improper influence, the schools will be safe. The growth of the American 
Federation of Teachers is therefore the best means of public defense, since this or¬ 
ganization is consistently and effectively working towards these objects for the rank 
and file of the teaching profession. 


8 


PART II 


Nature and Extent of Instruction in Social Studies 

1. Importance of the Social Studies. 

2. Content of the Courses. 

3. Extent to Which They Are Being Taught. 

1. IMPORTANCE OF THE SOCIAL STUDIES 

What are the subjects of study which may deal with matters in which organized 
labor is particularly interested? They are grouped under the general heading of 
“Social Studies,” and include courses in History, Civics, Economics, Sociology and 
the like. 

A pamphlet issued by the U. S. Bureau of Education entitled, “Social Studies 
in Secondary Education,”* defines them as follows: 

“The social studies are understood to be those whose subject-matter 
relates directly to the organization and development of human society, 
and to man as a member of social groups.” 

A booklet just issued by the Association of Collegiate Schools of Business 
entitled, “Social Studies in Secondary Schools,” defines their purppse as— 

“that of giving our youth an awareness of what it means to live together 
in organized society, an appreciation of how we do live together, and an 
understanding of the conditions precedent to living together well, to the end 
that our youth may develop those ideals, abilities, and tendencies to act 
which are essential to effective participation in our society.” 

A committee of the"American Political Science Association defines the purpose of 
civics as follows: 

“1. To awaken a knowledge of the fact that the citizen is in a social 
environment whose laws bind' him for his own good. 

“2. To acquaint the citizen with the forms of organization and methods 
of administration of government in its several departments.” 

This definition includes voluntary non-governmental agencies as well as formal 
government. Other definitions of the purpose of the social studies include an equally 
broad field. 

It will thus be seen that the social studies are highly important in public educa¬ 
tion, and that their importance is far greater than would be indicated by the prac¬ 
tices of schools in the past. It is not only necessary for the public schools to prepare 
children for adequate citizenship in the sense of understanding what is expected of 
them in society at its present stage of development, but it is also necessary to give 
them some understanding of the problems which future generations will have to 
solve. In addition, sound vocational training for the individual can be based only on 
the general foundation of the social studies. As the Association of Collegiate Schools 
of Business puts it in their report entitled, “Social Studies in Secondary Schools”: 

“Any program of social studies which hopes to be successful must be 
drawn with consideration for vocational needs. This suggests no conflict 
of interests. Men work together in organized society. Vocational training 
will be greatly improved—even as a 'money making’ matter for the indivi¬ 
dual—by the right kind of social study backbone.” 


•Bulletin, 1916 No. 28, Dept, of Interior Bureau of Education 




9 


In estimating the importance of the social studies, therefore, we must agree 
with the above report in saying: 

"The question should not be ‘how to put the social studies into our 
curricula’ but ‘how to organize our curricula around social objectives’? 
This Commission believes that the social studies should be the backbone 
of secondary education, with which all other studies and school activities 
should be closely articulated according to their contributions to the social 
objectives of education.” 

2. CONTENT OF THE COURSES 

This is not the place to enter exhaustively into the proper content and treat¬ 
ment of social science courses—a matter which is admirably discussed in various gov¬ 
ernment documents and reports of educational societies. 

It will be sufficient, as far as general considerations go, to summarize briefly 
some of the more important conclusions of educational authorities. Most of those 
who have been devoting attention to the subject believe that the social studies should 
be introduced earlier in the curriculum than has been the custom in most school sys¬ 
tems, several years at least before the ‘‘high school” grades. This for the benefit 
both of those who leave school early, and of those who continue. They also believe— 
and this applies particularly to history—that more attention should be devoted to 
social and economic matters with consideration for the human equasion. It is 
also essential that developments of the last fifty years should be adequately con¬ 
sidered. And, lastly, they believe that instead of emphasizing memory work and 
stereotyped judgments, the pupils should be given as large an opportunity as pos¬ 
sible to understand forces and movements, to watch them actually at work, and to 
exercise their own critical faculties about social problems. 

Having these ideals in mind, it is obvious that the history, achievements and 
status of the trade-union movement in the modem world is one of the most important 
topics which must come under the social sciences. To give a fragmentary view 
of organized labor is surely to prepare pupils inadequately for [their work in the 
world, whether they are destined to join the great majority as wage and salary 
earners, or whether they become professional men or employers. The same is tme 
of all other social problems having to do with the welfare of the working people. 

We are not relying solely upon our own judgment in making this statement. 
Scientific data bears out our stand as is illustrated by the findings of two important 
investigations made in cooperation with the Committee on Economy of Time of the 
Department of Superintendence of the National Education Association. 

One study was undertaken to determine what the content of a course of study 
in history would be if we accept the current opinion that ‘‘the chief purpose of teach¬ 
ing history in the elementary school is to make pupils more intelligent with respect 
to the more crucial activities, conditions and problems of present day life.”* It was 
based on the hypothesis ‘‘that if a representative list of the more crucial modern prob¬ 
lems could be secured, and if, among the books dealing with each problem, those be 
selected which give the clearest statement of that problem, it might be expected 
that these books frould contain at least the sort of history or the amount of historical 
reference, which, in the judgment of the author, is essential to an understanding of the 
modem problem they are discussing.” 

Twenty-seven books on modem social and economic problems and 142 articles 
in the International Encyclopedia dealing with these problems were selected for the 

♦Horn E., Possible Defects in the Present Content of American History as Taught in the Schoo 9 
The Sixteenth Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education. Part I 1918 pp. 156-172 



10 


purposes of this analysis. It was found that 24.67 per cent of the references to these 
problems in the elementary American history texts were to the period 1861-1916, 
whereas the book and encyclopedia article references to this same period were respect¬ 
ively 85.7 per cent and 74 per cent of the total number. In other words, text-book 
writers refer to the period since the Civil War once to every three times they refer 
to other periods while authors of books on modern problems find it necessary to refer 
to modern times five times for every time they refer to all other periods combined. 
For an understanding of current social problems this would indicate the need for a 
greater emphasis upon the last half century than is ordinarily given. 

An attempt was also made in the same study “to discover what phases of history 
were most frequently referred to in the discussion of modern problems.” The follow¬ 
ing table taken from the study gives the results reached: 

“Distribution of References to Three Phases of History 


"MWIpirn TTlstory Text-honks 

Political 

Per Cent 

42 

Military 

Per Cent 

40 

Social and 
Economic 
Per Cent 
18 

Rnr)k<3 on Modem Problems 

18.7 

4.7 

78 

Encyclopedia Articles.-. 

.37 

. 1.7 

60 


This table further indicates the failure of text-books to give the necessary social 
and economic data for an understanding of modern problems. 

Another portion of the study was devoted to a discovery of what persons were 
most frequently referred to in discussions of modem problems. Nearly 1,600 indivi¬ 
duals were mentioned. Of these, Gompers ranked eighth in importance, that is, only 
seven men, living or dead, were mentioned more times in connection with more prob¬ 
lems than was Gompers. Of the individuals then living (1916), Gompers ranked third, 
Roosevelt and Wilson preceding him. This survey would tend to prove that the labor 
movement—for Gompers is the embodiment of that movement—is a subject which we 
can not afford to overlook in our history texts if we are to give the coming generation 
an adequate equipment for intelligent citizenship. 

The other study referred to was “an attempt to discover what should be the con¬ 
tent of a course of study in civics”,! Believing that “the function of civics instmction 
is to prepare the pupil for citizenship in a democracy” the author tried to determine 
“what are the most significant and most persistent problems of the American people 
which seek solution through the machinery of government.” Since politicians are the 
professionals in the field and since the platform shows what the politicians think the 
people want, political platforms for three-quarters of a century were taken as the basis 
of this study. 

All subjects mentioned were classified under twenty-six general heads, qne of 
which was labor. An analysis of national party platforms from 1844 to 1916 shows 
that labor was not mentioned prior to 1868 when it ranked eighth in importance. 
From that time on it was mentioned in every platform varying in importance from 
first to sixteenth. In both 1904 and 1908 it held first place, in 1912 third and in 1916 
fourth. Throughout the entire period, 1844-1916, the relative ranking of labor in the 
platforms of all parties was eighth. In the Democratic Party’s platform it ranked 
sixth, and in the Republican Party’s twelfth. 

*W. C. Bagley, & H. O. Rugg, Content of American History as Taught in the Seventh and Eighth 
Grades: An Analysis of Typical School Text-books, Bulletin No. 16 School of Education, University 
of Illinois, 1916. 

tB. B. Bassett, The Content of the Course of Study in Civics. Seventeenth Yearbook. Nationa 
Society for the Study of Education Part I 1919 pp. 63-80 






11 


Of the national issues considered in state platforms during the non-presidential 
years 1889-1914 labor ranked fifth in importance. 

As a result of his study Bassett concludes that "any course of instruction whose 
purpose it is to prepare for intelligent suffrage through the exercise of civic judgments 
upon concrete problems should contain at least the following topics: Finance, office 
elections, civil service, . . . corporations, labor, foreign relations, natural 

resources, monetary system and moral issues. 

These studies clearly indicate that if scientific methods were applied in the 
determination of what the contents of text-books should be, the labor movement 
would be recognized as onq of the greatest determining forces in modern life and be 
considered accordingly. 

Not content, however, with the results obtained from these researches, we 
authorized the chairman to address a circular letter to numerous prominent edu¬ 
cators requesting their opinion as to the place the labor movement should occupy 
in the text-books and social studies of our public schools. 

LETTER OF INQUIRY 

Dear Sir: The American labor movement, as you no doubt are aware, has from 
its inception been vitally interested in public school education. This interest now leads 
us to ask your opinion on a matter of particular moment to us. 

The objectives of instruction in history and civics, as we see them should be 
determined by the needs of society. Since we are living in a complex and highly 
developed industrial state we consider that an understanding of our privileges, rights 
and duties in that state requires a knowledge of the social and industrial life of the 
country and the broader functions of government as related thereto. 

It is common knowledge that the labor movement has had, and will no doubt 
continue to have a powerful influence upon the development of social and industrial 
institutions. The proper solution of many difficult problems of today, such as unem¬ 
ployment, standards of living, working conditions, housing, workmen’s compensa¬ 
tion—so-called labor problems—is of great social significance. Consequently intelli¬ 
gent action by the community at large in dealing with them, requires a knowledge 
of the labor movement and the conditions which in large measure determine the 
well-being of society. We hold therefore that if our public schools are adequately 
to discharge their responsibilities in the teaching of history and civics they should take 
cognizance of these social problems and labor’s relation thereto. 

Recognizing, however, the importance of the opinion of well-known educators 
in matters of this sort we are writing you, among others, for a statement as to whether 
or not from the educational and historical points of view, the labor movement—its 
history, ideals and achievements, and the problems of vital interest to labor are of 
sufficient importance to warrant attention in public schools. Will you therefore please 
give us your frank opinion as to the place which this subject should hold in a modern 
text-book on history and civics? 

Appreciating a reply at your early convenience, I am, 

Very truly yours, 

(Signed) Matthew Wole, 
Chairman, A. F. of L. Committee on Education. 

TYPICAL REPLIES 

Charles A. Beard (New School of Social Research) 

"Replying to your letter about the place of the labor movement in the social 
studies of our schools, I beg to say that, in my opinion, every unbiased student 


12 


and teacher should recognize the importance of the labor movement in modern life 
and give to it a proper amount of space in any course on history, economics, or 
citizenship. If you will turn to the pages of the Historical Outlook, an excellent maga¬ 
zine published for teachers of history and civics, you will see that the whole trend of 
opinion is in favor of social, as distinguished from merely political, history and that the 
various phases of the labor movement are included in nearly all programs for revising 
our curricula. Indeed, the idea has already received attention in the more progressive 
text-books and will receive more recognition as time goes on.” 

F. G. Bonser (Teacher’s College, Columbia University) 

“In my judgment there is no domestic question before the American people 
of the present and the rising generations of greater importance than that of the 
problems connected with the conditions of production, the distribution of products, 
and the rewards of labor. Only as these problems are justly and fairly solved can a 
genuinely democratic state of human society be increasingly accomplished. 

“The text-books in history and citizenship should include a pretty full treat¬ 
ment of the labor problem and related problems from at least the development of the 
Guild System to the present. The changing conditions brought about by the indus¬ 
trial revolution, the development of the-factory system, the growing aggregation of 
capital on the one hand and of labor on the other, the evolution of collective bargain¬ 
ing, the gradual legal recognition of the status of organized labor and of organized 
capital, the problems of exploitation, the various methods of cooperation to improve 
conditions and relationships, and the increased tendency to consider standards of 
living and other really human considerations and values as well as merely economic 
features of the problem, should all be included. Young people should be given 
the basis for seeing the issues exactly as they are, and there is no better way to do 
this than to find out accurately how these conditions and issues have come about. 

“In passing, I want to urge that the men and women engaged as laborers are no 
more in need of an intelligent comprehension of the real economic, social, and human 
problems of labor and production than are the employers of labor, or those engaged 
in the professional occupations who often imagine that they have no responsibilities 
in relationship to these problems. These questions are of vital importance to every 
citizen, whatever his occupation. No one can evade responsibility. In a democracy 
the problems of securing justice to each individual are the responsibility of all. 

“This study of the history and current problems of labor should be begun 
in the upper grades and be provided for increasingly in the high schools. It should 
have its place in continuation and vocational schools as an important part of their 
related work. In all of these questions of labor and of the development of produc¬ 
tion, distribution, consumption, and standards of living, it should be the aim to get 
clearly the facts of historic significance and of present-day conditions. The purpose 
should not be to cultivate prejudices or one-sided points of view. The work should 
include much attention to the ideals of a satisfactory life, to the ideals of democracy, 
and to the necessary qualities of cooperation in securing justice for all. To realize the 
ideals of democracy it should be made clear that for every right one has also a cor¬ 
responding responsibility or duty. Facts should be emphasized which show the values 
of fair play, a square deal, and an humanitarian spirit. Ethical and moral values 
should receive attention as well as the economic. Clear thinking is necessary to 
the solution of these problems. To think clearly we must have accurate facts to 
think with.” 


13 


Thomas H. Briggs (Teacher’s College, Columbia University) 

“My opinion is that labor problems and the labor movement have not received 
anything like the attention in history' teaching that they merit. But, as a matter 
of fact, we are not likely to get any consensus of judgment as to the weighting of 
materials because of the pre-judgments of the people who attempt to make the deci-' 
sion.” 

Nicholas Murray Butler (Columbia University) 

“I have received and read with attention your letter addressed to me under 
date of April 18, relative to the desirability of including economic history and eco¬ 
nomic conditions in the substantial instruction given generally to American youth. 
I beg to reply that I regard such instruction as vitally important, and an under¬ 
standing of fundamental economic laws and their working and of the industrial or¬ 
ganization of the modem state, as essential to sound and intelligent citizenship. The 
modem state rests upon an economic basis as obviously as the ancient state rested 
upon a military or a caste basis. A general understanding of this fact and its implica¬ 
tions is of vital importance to the welfare of society.” 

John Dewey (Columbia University) 

"I am strongly of the opinion that a modern text-book on history and civics 
should give considerable space to the history and aims of the labor movement. 
This, however, should be constmed in a broad way. 

“I should think that the proper beginning might be with the emancipation 
of the serfs from feudalism in Europe and go on to discuss the historical evolution of 
the laboring class with special reference to the development of machinery and the 
industrial revolution. For the present situation, I should put considerable emphasis 
upon the existing state of the law with reference to labor, with a discussion of its 
evolution out of the old master and servant relation and an account of the develop¬ 
ment of the idea of freedom of contract and the rights of property as the latter have 
been interpreted by the courts.” 

Charles A. Ellwood (University of Missouri) 

“I am very certain that our Democracy can not succeed unless our people are 
prepared to solve their social problems, because there is no one who can solve them in a 
Democracy except the people themselves. Social studies should occupy one-third of 
the space of the curriculum in our schools from the kindergarten to the end of the A.B. 
course in college. Particularly strong courses on all of our social problems should be 
developed in the seventh, eight, and ninth grades, as well as in our senior high schools. 
The labor movement and the just claims of labor should, of course, hold a conspicuous 
place in these social study courses, especially in the grades which I have just men¬ 
tioned.” 

E. S. Furniss (Yale University) 

“My experience has been that pupils of the age of those which attend our secon¬ 
dary schools acquire abstract ideas with very great difficulty and at best in a very 
hazy fashion, if, indeed, they can acquire them at all. It is also my belief founded on 
some years of experience in teaching the labor courses in college that no adequate 
treatment can be given to this great subject which does not take account of abstract 
principles—the social theories, historical forces, evolutionary tendencies, etc., which 
are involved in the growth of modern societal forms. It appears to me, therefore. 


14 


that any attempt to teach this subject to secondary school pupils must be limited 
to statements of fact and events which can be retained in the mind and made the 
background for more mature study. This position is not taken because of any desire 
to pre-empt the field for the colleges but from a sincere belief that any attempt to go 
beyond this limited sphere will result in a hotch-potch of undigested and miscon¬ 
ceived ideas which are not only of no practical use to the student but actually make 
against correct thinking in later life. I have had reason to believe that the men most 
easily led astray into utopian paths are men who have received some partial and 
distorted information of an abstract nature early in life. These men are dangerous to 
the labor movement because of their very enthusiasm and aggressiveness. An 
ignorant man with a great moral enthusiasm is a menace to real progress. 

“My position, then, is this: These subjects ought by no means to be neglected 
in connection with beginning studies in government and history; but there should 
be no attempt to go much beyond the factual and the definite in secondary schools. 
If text-books are re-written to take account of these forces, or if new ones are pre¬ 
pared to complement the existing texts, they should not be too ambitious. It is well 
to be content with possible attainments and not to strive for the impossible.” 

J. Montgomery Gambrill (Teacher’s College, Columbia University) 

“Economic, social and political problems should be studied both in history 
and in civics courses and in such a way as to show their inseparable character. 
The older text-books in history were largely devoted to political, constitutional and 
military affairs and gave too large a proportion of their space to earlier times and to 
wars and periods of excitement and adventure. The older civics courses were too ex¬ 
clusively concerned with a rather formal study of constitutional and political machin¬ 
ery. There has been a marked revolt against these tendencies in recent years. There 
is an increasing emphasis upon the modem and recent in history which indeed some¬ 
times threatens to become extreme; and there is a rapidly increasing attention to 
the industrial and social aspects of the development of nations and of mankind. 
Civics is more and more concerning itself with economic and social problems, again 
with signs of an extreme tendency in some cases that may crowd out vitally important 
political problems. These changes in history and civics of course include a good deal 
of attention to industrial relations and so-called ‘labor problems.’ 

“These tendencies are in my opinion wise and even necessary for the adequate 
study of the public problems that concern us all. There are, however, certain dan¬ 
gers to be guarded against. One of these is the neglect of the study of government. 
It is through government that organized society acts and the study of economic 
and social problems apart from politics is likely to be as inadequate as the study 
of governmental machinery without regard to economic and social problems. Another 
difficulty is that the subjects in question studied with reference to current conditions 
are highly controversial and thus invite partisanship and propaganda. This is no rea¬ 
son for avoiding them in schools unless we shirk our duty in providing a really prac¬ 
tical and valuable civic education. It is highly important, however, that these 
problems should be presented and studied in a scientific spirit. This means that the 
instruction should not concern itself with instilling correct doctrine, which after all 
no person or group has the right to define, but with a clear description of conditions 
and a fair statement of problems and of different points of view regarding them. 
Clear and honest thinking and the spirit of tolerance should be cardinal aims. It 
would be nothing less than a social tragedy if we drifted into a state of affairs in which 
our public schools were openly and on principle used as centers Qf official propaganda, 



15 


now for the business man’s point of view, again for the labor point of view, again per¬ 
haps for the socialist’s point of view, according to which group of citizens might be 
able to secure control. What is needed is an intelligent acquaintance with the great 
civic problems of the day and some capacity for studying them fairly and for appreci¬ 
ating the point of view of persons who belong to other groups.” 

Albert Bushnell Hart (Harvard University) 

“In a community like the United States, where every intelligent man and woman 
is expected to take an interest and a part in public affairs, it is certainly desirable that 
there should be recognition of labor conditions. In my own teaching in university 
classes, I have for years included the study of the elements of the labor situation, and 
its problems. 

“WTien it comes to the establishment of formal courses, we are confronted 
with the great difficulty that the subject is highly contentious. It seems like putting 
a course on the history of the Republican and Democratic parties into the schools; 
or a course in the history of churches—where people feel so intensely on both sides, 
and where there is such a radical lack of agreement, it would seem likely to break up 
the schools if such explosive courses were introduced.” 

Charles H. Judd (University of Chicago) 

“I have your letter of April 18. It is my judgment that a very radical reform 
will have to be made and that shortly in the course of study of American schools 
so as to include social-science material on a scale never before thought of. I think 
that the movement which is coming is likely to encounter some opposition in various 
quarters because there will be a great many people who do not think that it is safe 
to teach in the public schools economic and social principles, about many of which 
there will be some question. 

“I am engaged at the present time, with my colleague Marshall, in the prepara¬ 
tion of a series of text-books which aim to introduce material of this type on a large 
scale into the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades. This section of the school system 
is in many respects more plastic in its curriculum than any other section. Our hope 
is that the introduction of this material at this point will influence the course of study 
in the higher institutions and in the lower. My judgment is that such material ought 
to occupy an independent and primary position in the grades mentioned and I shall 
do everything I can to promote that type of program.” 

Harry Pratt Judson (University of Chicago) 

“No discussion in the history of civics can be complete without an adequate 
discussion of the situation as to labor. On the other hand, I do not believe that any 
course of study in the public schools should contain a propaganda for any particular 
group in our social community. It should contain a fair statement of facts and prin¬ 
ciples applying to all groups.” 

Clyde L. King (University of Pennsylvania) 

“In the treatment of history or of civics it would be as incorrect to omit refer¬ 
ence to the history and functions of the labor union movements as it would be to omit 
reference to the history and function of farmers’ organizations or of chambers of com¬ 
merce or of churches.” 


16 


Alexis F. Lange (University of California) 

“No 'modem text-book on history and civics’ is adequate that does not further 
team work for the common good. But it certainly can not do so without giving suffi¬ 
cient attention to the ‘labor movement’ to lead to sympathetic insight and apprecia¬ 
tion on the part of our young Americans. 

"But the best text-books can easily be spoiled by the teachers. And so my chief 
concern is with the problem of how to get well-informed and trained teachers deter¬ 
mined to do all they can to break down barriers between group and group and to pro¬ 
mote in every way possible our living together on a steadily rising level of social jus¬ 
tice.” 

Wesley C. Mitchell/lThe National Bureau of Economic Research) 

"In answer to your letter of April 16 let me express a very strong conviction that 
the history of the labor movement is one of the most important, if not the most 
important single topic in the record of the human race. What can be learned about it 
should therefore be given full and careful attention in all school courses upon history. 
Of course the fundamental trouble is that so little can now be found about the lives, 
aspirations and activities of the inarticulate masses. Within the last century or two, 
however, materials have become much more abundant and should find a conspicuous 
place in books and courses. 

"While I say this I know that you will agree with me when I add that the story 
of the labor movement should be told with as strict veracity as the material makes 
possible. There is no more excuse for slurring over the mistakes which labor or¬ 
ganizations made in the past than there is for slurring over (say) the corruption 
of municipal politics in this country or the atrocities of our national policy toward the 
Indians. It is not only dishonest but also educationally disastrous to white-wash 
either the great men or the great movements of the past. They are great enough 
with all their defects to command the admiration of honest minds. And if we try 
to see them as they are rather than as we wish they might have been, we shall have 
a truer perspective in which to judge of our own fallible efforts.” 

F. M. M. Murry (Teacher’s College, Columbia University) 

"I received your letter of April 19, inquiring if I thought, as an educator, the 
problems of vital interest to labor are of sufficient importance to warrant attention to 
them in the public schools. 

"I certainly think that such attention should be given them. Such attention 
should be due not only for the sake of information, but for the sake of full com¬ 
prehension and sympathy with the whole labor situation. The public schools are 
aiming at citizenship, and proper citizenship involves identification on the part 
of every young person with the whole labor situation. This problem should have 
an important place in the course of instruction.” 

David T. Muzzey (Columbia University) 

"In reply to your letter of the 18th, I beg to say that I am thoroughly in favor of 
teaching the subject of the labor movement and labor conditions in our country 
in our schools and colleges, and I believe that an ever-increasing amount of this material 
is being incorporated into our text-books on history, civics and economics.” 

John A. Ryan (National Catholic Welfare Council) 

"Responding to your request for a statement on the inclusion of the history, 
ideals and achievements of the labor movement in public school courses in history 


17 


and civics, I would say that in my opinion such instruction would be of great im¬ 
portance and benefit to the pupils. Possibly the presentation of a subject like the 
labor movement would be more appropriate in a course of sociology, but courses 
in sociology are not usually given in grades below the college, or at any rate, below the 
last two years of high school instruction.” 

These letters are typical of others received of similar import but which want 
of space forbids including in this report. 

Careful analysis of the above quoted excerpts from letters received manifests 
clearly that the educators practically agree with the stand of the American Federa¬ 
tion of Labor that it is one of the most important topics to be considered in courses 
in history and civics. In turn we agree with their position that in treating the 
labor movement all sides of controversial questions should be adequately presented. 

3. EXTENT TO WHICH SOCIAL STUDIES ARE BEING TAUGHT 

A survey of social studies in the high schools in 1919 was conducted by the 
U. S. Bureau of Education and published in the Historical Outlook of February, 1920 
(pp. 87-88). This showed that out of 5,054 schools which replied, 70 per cent offered 
courses in current events. Nearly all, or 96 per cent, offered one or more courses 
in one or more branches of the social sciences. Although 95 per cent taught civics 
over half of these confined their teaching to the old formal civics, which deals merely 
with the machinery of political government, and does not touch upon broader prob¬ 
lems or non-governmental organization. Furthermore, the great majority postponed 
the teaching of civics until the fourth year, only a small proportion introducing 
it as early as the first or second years. Only 36 per cent taught economics, and 
most of these reserved it for the final year. A very much smaller number—less than 
10 per cent—offered courses in sociology. It will thus be seen that while the teach¬ 
ing of the social sciences had made some headway in high schools, modern standards 
were maintained only by a minority. If this was the case with high schools, we may 
reasonably infer that grade schools were still further behind in desirable standards. 

A second survey, similar but more comprehensive than the first, just undertaken 
by Harry H. Moore in cooperation with the United States Bureau of Education 
reveals that considerable progress has been made during the last three years in the 
extent to which the social studies are being taught.* Out of a total of over 13,000 
junior and senior high schools, all over the United States to which questionnaires 
were sent, 6,624 replied. The summaries of the answers received to the various 
questions of interest here are presented in Tables 1, 2, 3, and 4. The data contained 
in these tables is commented upon in the subsequent paragraphs: 

Table 1 indicates, among other things, that of the total number of schools 
replying 5,712 or 86.1 per cent are now teaching current events, an advance of 16 per 
cent over the figure for 1919. Approximately the same proportion of schools are 
teaching civics now as in 1919, but, as shown in Appendix A, there has been a very 
noticeable shift from the old formal type of civics to the newer type of community 
civics. Two-thirds of the schools teaching civics indicated that they were emphasizing 
the social and economic life of the community rather than the machinery of govern¬ 
ment. 

Moore’s study further reveals that there has been a steady increase in the last 

•Unfortunately neither this study nor the earlier one referred to includes history among the social 
studies investigated. Therefore we have no comparable data showing the exact extent to which Ameri¬ 
can history is being taught. A careful inspection of many manuals outlining courses of study as issued 
by state and city departments of education however indicates that history is being taught almost 
universally. 



18 


three years in the number of schools teaching economics and sociology. (Table 1). 
The gain has been respectively from 36 and 9 per cent to 40.7 and 25.1 per cent. In 
economics there has been a shift from the theoretical text to the descriptive text. 
This is probably of greater importance from the point of view of labor than the 
increase in the number of schools teaching the subject. The total number of schools 
reporting the use of the descriptive text in economics was two-thirds of the entire 
number replying.* 

In sociology there has been little change in the texts used, the four reported in 
1919 as being most frequently employed, were still being used in 1922. As will be 
revealed subsequently, these particular sociology texts are satisfactory on the whole 
as judged by the standards laid down herein. 

In general, while the foregoing figures indicate that things are improving with 
respect to the teaching of the social studies, conditions are still far from ideal. The 
most promising improvement noted, as already emphasized has been the shift 
from formal civics and theoretical economics to community or social civics and des¬ 
criptive economics respectively. Altogether too few schools, however, are offering 
any courses in these or kindred subjects. 

TABLE 1 


Number of High Schools Which Teach Certain Social Sciences 



Number 

Per 

Cent 

Total Number of Schools Replying _ 

6,624 

100.0 

Number of Schools Teaching: 

Machinery of (Government—Civics 

1,982 

3,815 

788 

29.8 

Modern Civics 

57.4 

Economic. Theory—Economics 

11.9 

Modern Economics. . 

1,919 

1,666 

28.8 

Sociology. 

25.1 

Current Events 

5,712 

272 

3,499 

4,958 

86.1 

Number of Schools Not Teaching: 

Civics. 

Economics _ 

4.1 

52.8 

Sociology _... 

74.8 

Current Events.. . 

912 

13.8 

Number of Schools Planning to Introduce Next Year: 

Civics 

276 

4.2 

Economics _ 

624 

9.4 

Sociology __ ___........ 

575 

8.7 

Current Events_...... 

76 

1.1 

Number of Schools Not Answering: 

Civics . 

555 

8.6 

Economics. 

418 

6.3 



•These figures must not be confused with those given on pages 72-73. The latter are based on our 
evaluation of the specific texts used while the figures given above are the result of a combination of the 
evaluations of the texts used, as made by principals of schools throughout the country whose standards 
of evaluation necessarily varied widely. The figures in the two instances are therefore not comparable. 
For our purposes those g ven on pages 72-73 are of most value. 

























19 


Existing deficiencies become still more evident when we consider the proportion 
of the number of pupils actually taking social science courses at our schools. Thus 
Table 2 shows that the total number of students enrolled in the 6,624 schools report¬ 
ing was 1,183,058. Of these only 23.4 per cent were taking civics, 5.4 per cent eco¬ 
nomics and 3.2 per cent sociology. Thirty-four per cent, however, were taking cur¬ 
rent events, in which course popular consideration is given to many of the problems, 
confronting every day society, including those of labor. 

The comparatively small proportion of students taking the social subjects may in 
part be accounted for by a brief analysis of the grades in which the subjects are 
offered as well as by determining whether or not they are “elective” or “required.’’ 
As revealed by Table 3 a total of 6,610 courses in civics were given and of these 81 
per cent were required. These required civics courses were distributed as follows: 
5.7 per cent in the seventh and eighth grades, 37.3 per cent in the ninth and tenth 
grades and 57 per cent in the eleventh and twelfth grades. The courses in economics 
offered totaled 3,129. Of these 1,166, or 37 per cent, were required, but of this total 
only 8, or less than 1 per cent, were given in the seventh and eighth grades, 54 or 
4.6 per cent were given in the ninth and tenth grades, while 1,104, or 94.7 per cent, 
were given in the eleventh and twelfth grades. The situation is analogous with 
respect to the 1,666 courses in sociology given, 37 per cent being required, over 96 
per cent of which are taught in the last two grades of high school. 

A similar situation is revealed by Table 4, which shows the number of students 
enrolled by specified courses, i. e. civics, economics, sociology and similar courses. 

TABLE 2 


Number of Pupils Who Took Various Courses in the Social Sciences, 1921-1922 


Number Enrolled in High Schools.. 

Number 

1,183,058 

Per 

Cent 

100.0 

Number of Pupils Taking: 

Machinery of Government—Civics. 

58,539 

4.9 

Modern Problems—Civics.-. 

219,880 

18.5 

Economic Theory—Economics. 

17,817 

1.5 

Modern Problems—Economics.. . 

47,263 

3.9 

Sociology 

37,541 

3.2 

Current Events.—........ 

401,197 

33.9 












20 


TABLE 3 


Schools In Which Specified Subjects Are Required or Elective 


Total 


11,510 

7,482 

3,802 

160 


382 

338 

40 

4 


2,629 

2,205 

401 

23 


8,433 

4,939 

3,361 

133 

66 


TABLE 4 


Number of Students Enrolled in Specified Courses, Required and Elective, by Grades 

1921-1922 


All Grades 

Civics 

Economics 

Sociology 

Similar 

Course 

Total 

Total Number Enrolled. 

Required. . 

Elective. .. 

Not Stated. 

Grades 7 and 8: 

Total....:. 

Required. 

Elective. 

Not Stated. 

278,430 

248,382 

27,728 

1,983 

21,732 

19,833 

1,899 

55,080 

28,990 

25,007 

959 

484 

344 

140 

37,541 

14,284 

22,207 

743 

121 

65 

56 

4,916 

4,053 

763 

54 

220 

170 

50 

375,967 

295,709 

75,705 

3,739 

22,557 

20,412 

2,145 

Grades 9 and 10: 






Total. 

152,054 

4,040 

2,823 

1,300 

160,217 

Required. 

141,505 

2,224 

1,877 

1,157 

146,763 

Elective. 

Not Stated. 

10,549 

1,816 

946 

89 

54 

13,400 

54 

Grades 11 and 12: 




Total. 

102,324 

59,473 

34,290 

3,350 

199,437 

Required. 

87,044 

"26,422 

12,342 

2,726 

128,534 

Elective—. 

Not Stated. 

15,280 

33,051 

21,205 

743 

307 

624 

70,160 

743 

814 

Grade Not Stated. 

337 

124 

' 46 


All Grades 


Total Number of Courses. 

Number Required. 

Number Elective_ 

Not Stated. 

Grades 7 and 8: 

Total. 

Number Required.— 

Number Elective_ 

Not Stated... 

Grades 9 and 10: 

Total. 

Number Required. 

Number Elective._ 

Not Stated. 

Grades 11 and 12: 

Total. 

Number Required.— 

Number Elective_, 

Not Stated. 

Grade Not Stated. 


Civics 


6,610 

5,638 

888 

64 


359 

324 

32 

4 


2,359 

2,108 

233 

18 


3,872 

3,206 

624 

42 

20 


Economics 


3,129 

1,166 

1,889 

53 


14 

8 

6 


Sociology 


1,666 

611 

995 

40 


170 

79 

21 

54 

28 

15 

112 

51 

5 

4 


1 

2,925 

1,564 

72 

1,104 

581 

47 

1,771 

943 

23 

49 

40 

2 

21 

20 

5 


Similar 

Course 


105 

67 

30 

3 




























































21 


The greater proportion of Jail students receiving instruction in these courses is con¬ 
centrated in the later years of high schools. 

It is evident that if instruction in such courses of fundamental importance 
is delayed until the last two years in high school—which in most instances means the 
last year—then a large proportion of students entering our junior and senior high 
schools will never benefit by these courses. For statistics clearly show that the 
larger percentage of students entering high school drop out before graduation. This 
makes it especially imperative that the basic social studies, those which treat largely 
of matters of vital concern to labor, should be introduced into the seventh and eighth 
grades, if not earlier. Thus it appears that there is a very decided need for an immedi¬ 
ate reorganization of the curricula of most of our junior and senior high schools, so 
as to provide adequate opportunity for instruction in these important subjects. 


22 


PART in 


SURVEY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE TEXT-BOOKS 

1. The Importance of the Text-Books. 

2. Growth of the Social Studies. 

3. Nature of the Tests Applied to Text-Books. 

4. Summary of Findings. 

5. Chief Criticisms of Text-Books. 

6. Text-Books In Use. 

7. The Selection of the Text-Book. 

8. Subjects of Investigation Outside of Classroom. 

9. Topics Discussed in Current Events. 

10. The Inclusion of the Labor Movement in Courses of Study. 

1. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TEXT-BOOK 

The treatment of history, civics, and other social studies in the public schools 
is largely determined by the character of the text-books used. In higher institutions of 
learning, where numerous texts and source books may be employed in a given sub¬ 
ject, the instructor has more scope for personal influence over the mode of instruc¬ 
tion, and the same is true to a limited extent in the lower grades, where text-books 
often are not used at all. Even in these cases, however, and especially in the grade 
schools, the teacher’s mind itself is colored by the book supplied. It is therefore of 
the highest importance to study the nature of the text-books in use in the social 
studies. 

2. GROWTH OF THE SOCIAL STUDIES 

Years ago the social studies had almost no place in the public school curriculum. 
American history was taught, but it consisted almost entirely in a record of wars and 
political campaigns, names and dates. If civics were taught at all, it consisted in the 
study of the formal governmental machinery. Economics and sociology were not 
touched upon except in colleges. In recent years, however, these subjects have been 
more widely introduced into high schools and grade schools. During this same 
period, the point of view and treatment accorded to all of them has been changing. 
History courses are giving more attention to the growth of social and economic in¬ 
stitutions, to the life of the people apart from military and political crises. “Com¬ 
munity Civics” has expanded the subject-matter of civics to the inter-relationships 
of the citizens, classes and groups in the fields of activity other than that of formal 
government. Economics is coming to be taught, not as a body of “natural laws” 
and academic economic theory, but as a practical examination of the operation of 
economic groups and institutions as they exist. All this change is dictated by sound 
pedagogical method, and is calculated to enable the pupil to understand more realisti¬ 
cally the world in which he lives, and to cope with it in terms of the present and future. 

These tendencies are to be welcomed, but they introduce certain new dangers 
into public education. The subjects covered in such courses are bound to be more 
or less controversial in nature, and the teaching concerning them vitally affects 
powerful interests and prejudices. This leads to two possible injurious results: (a) 
Text-books and teachers, through a natural and innocent failing due to inadequate 
information, may inculcate a biased or prejudiced point of view, or (6) powerful inter¬ 
ests affected may seize the opportunity to limit the nature of the instruction given, or 
attempt to turn it into channels favorable to themselves. Thus the public schools, 
instead of developing freely under the guidance of professional educators, may become 
battlegrounds for politics, for propaganda and counter-propaganda, with disastrous 
results to education. 



23 


3. NATURE OF TESTS APPLIED TO TEXT-BOOKS 

It is with these developments in mind that we have devised the tests applied 
to the text-books used in public schools. In teaching the social sciences, it is obvious 
that old-fashioned didactic methods of teaching are not suitable to the new treat¬ 
ment, and lead directly to the dangers which it is necessary to avoid. Subjects should 
be presented, not in the form of finished judgments and dogmatic rules, to be learned 
and repeated, but rather as observations of the world about us, concerning which the 
pupil must to a great extent exercise his own judgments. In the case of highly con¬ 
troversial subjects, important dissenting views should be fairly and adequately 
presented. The attitude of no faction should be given as final truth. Of course, it is 
not necessary to insist on a dead and mechanical impartiality—one which must 
find "on the otherj hand” for every "on the one hand.” If the books are fairly 
assessed on this general basis, the influence of ignorance or of reactionary selfish 
interests may be counteracted without running the danger of erring on the other 
side and thus inviting attack. The labor movement, unlike selfish interests, does not 
and can not depend for public favor upon narrow propaganda; what it wants and 
needs is the light of day and freedom of opinion. The more people know, and the 
more they think, the better in the long run for working men and women, and for 
all our citizenship. 

The tests to be applied naturally develop from these premises. In the first place, 
is the book of old, narrow type, or of the newer and broader type? In the second 
place, is its general method that which inculcates certain fixed principles which 
may have been acceptable some time in the past, or, on the other hand, that which 
portrays society as a group of growing and changing institutions? In the third 
place, does it include adequate information about important subjects, particularly 
subjects of concern to the wage-earning population, such as trade-unionism, collective 
bargaining, standards of living, hours of work, safety and sanitation, housing, unem¬ 
ployment, civil liberty, and the judicial power? And in its treatment of these sub¬ 
jects, does it fairly present labor’s point of view, as well as that of others? 

In no case were any abstract or ideal standards set up> The standard of evalua¬ 
tion in each subject was determined only after examining a number of the best and 
most widely used books. And no hard-and-fast grading, or arranging of the books 
in an order of excellence, was attempted. It was aimed merely to evaluate each 
book in relation to a number of specific tests. 

4. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 

The application of these tests to 123 text-books—47 histories, 47 civics, 25 
economics, and 4 sociologies, brings out the fact that over half of the books (55 per 
cent) are of the newer type dealing with the broader aspects of government, and the 
social and industrial life of the people rather than with forms of organization, mili¬ 
tary events and abstract theories. Still a larger proportion (60 per cent) recognize to a 
greater or less degree the power for growth in our institutions—are dynamic rather 
than static in their method of treatment. In dealing with the questions of par¬ 
ticular interest to labor—trade-unionism, collective bargaining, arbitration, stan¬ 
dards of living, unemployment and the like—there is a great divergence in concept as 
well as in method of treatment. In general it may be said that the older formal r 
texts either omit these subjects entirely or treat them so unsatisfactorily that for all 
practical purposes they might just as well be omitted. Some of the more modern ones 
deal with them briefly and perfunctorily but on the whole the newer type of text 


24 


does attempt to give the labor movement and the problems of industry better 

consideration. 

The text-books in general use in civics, history and sociology are of the more 
modern and better type of book. In economics the theoretical text is gradually being 
replaced by the descriptive text. The use of these more modern books means that the 
labor movement and the subjects of interest to labor are being brought to the atten¬ 
tion of the children to a greater extent. Similarly with the use of the 
new method of teaching current problems by actual investigation and observation, 
labor questions are brought to the fore. Discussion in classes in current events are 
often on topics of vital interest to labor. It is evident as never before that the teacher 
who conducts these classes and investigations should be fully qualified and free to 
teach the facts of industry in an unbiased and unprejudiced manner. It is only 
by such teaching that education can accomplish the great goal for which it has set out. 

5. CHIEF 4 CRITICISMS OF TEXT-BOOKS 

In evaluating texts no attempt was made to grade them in order of excellence. 
We simply applied certain specific tests and noted the extent to which the particular 
book under consideration measured up to the standards set by the best and most 
widely used text-books in this field. In applying these tests we found that a majority 
of texts fell short of the standards in one or more important respects. These short¬ 
comings may be grouped as follows. 

(a) Failure to give the student an understanding of the present day 
structure of society. 

(b) Failure to recognize clearly the growth of institutions. Presenta¬ 
tion of static rather than dynamic point of view. 

( c ) Use of didactic method. 

( d) Insufficient material presented to give a rounded view of the labor 
movement and of the problems of particular interest to labor. 

( e ) Misstatements of fact or misleading statements of fact. 

(/) Misplaced emphasis or the consideration of the “abuses” of trade 
unions to the exclusion of all other features. 

( g ) Use of obsolete material. 

To show the extent to which these criticisms apply to the 123 text-books evalu¬ 
ated we shall consider them seriatim illustrating where necessary to make our point 
perfectly clear. 

FAILURE TO GIVE THE STUDENT AN UNDERSTANDING OF PRESENT 

DAY PROBLEMS 

Of the forty-seven histories evaluated, twenty-one deal almost solely with mili¬ 
tary and political events rather than with the social organizations of the past and 
present. Twenty-three of the forty-seven civics deal with the forms rather than the 
functions of government. Twelve of the twenty-five economics lay down a series of 
principles with little reference to their application to present day conditions. The four 
sociologies are approximating modern in method of presentation. To sum up 
almost half (45 per cent) of the total number of texts under consideration do not 
prepare the student to deal intelligently with the weighty social problems he will 
soon be called upon to meet. 

FAILURE TO RECOGNIZE CLEARLY THE GROWTH OF INSTITUTIONS 

A considerably smaller proportion of the texts fail to recognize that we are living 
in a changing world—that what is a problem today need not necessarily be a problem 
of the future. Roughly speaking, 45 per cent of the histories, 20 per cent of the civics 
and 12 per cent of the economics fail in this respect—this failure being largely o 1 the 
part of the older publications. 


25 


USE OF DIDACTIC METHOD 

A few texts offer a solution for many of our social ills without adequate discus¬ 
sion of the disease. A highly questionable opinion is given as if it were the last word 
on the subject. A number of texts advocate compulsory arbitration of industrial dis¬ 
putes without even defining the terms used, not to mention discussion of the issues 
involved. To illustrate from a community civics: 

“The best interest of the community may be gained when anything 
which is injurious to the welfare of the social group is not permitted to exist. 
Often because the unions and employers have not been able to come to an 
understanding the entire community has been made to suffer. This is a 
condition which should not be permitted in a democratic nation. The remedy 
for this evil is to he found in compulsory arbitration. There are two ways oi 
carrying out the findings of the arbitration board. They may be enforced 
by the government or they may be published so that public opinion will 
support the side which is in the right.” 

This statement is not a summary. It stands by itself without substantiation, 
and does not even indirectly indicate that compulsory arbitration involves invol¬ 
untary servitude. 

MATERIAL ON LABOR MOVEMENT AND RELATED SUBJECTS INSUFFI¬ 
CIENT FOR UNDERSTANDING 

The only valid criticism which may be made of the text-book handling of sub¬ 
jects such as unemployment, standards of living, workman’s compensation, hours 
of labor, working conditions, and the legislation affecting these questions is the 
inadequacy and mediocrity of treatment. One-fifth of the histories and over half of 
the civics omit all mention of these questions, while a large proportion of the remainder 
treat only briefly and often perfunctorily of these important issues. This criticism ap¬ 
plies to an even greater extent to the handling of the question of labor organization 
as such. To illustrate a not uncommon method of treatment of the labor movement 
we will quote from a history published within the last four years. 

“It was at about this time (1876) that organized labor began to be a 
force in American politics. The strike as a method of advancing the interest 
of the laboring man first came into general use in America about 1876 and 
1877. The Knights of Labor formed in 1869 was a secret organization in¬ 
cluding laborers of all trades. In 1881 the American Federation of Labor was 
organized on the basis of the trade union but with the same general object 
of promoting the interests of laborers through state and national legislation. 
In 1884 the office of Commissioner of Labor was created in the Department 
of the Interior.” 

This with a few equally crude statements about the strikes of 1894 and 1902 
are the only references to the labor movement. 

MISSTATEMENTS OF FACT OR MISLEADING STATEMENTS OF FACT 

However, we can not stop with pointing out the insufficiency and mediocrity of 
treatment of the subject of labor organization. There are other equally serious 
criticisms applicable to the handling of this subject in text-books which do not 
apply to the less controversial subjects of interest to labor. Actual misstatements 
of fact occur but of much greater frequency and of much more serious consequences 
are misleading statements of fact. In several texts the strike activities of unions 
are so inextricably bound up with the demonstrations of anarchists that the student 
who is given no other basis for judgment is very apt to confuse the legitimate efforts 
of workers to alleviate conditions with anarchistic activities. 


26 


The strike as a trade-union weapon comes in for more than its full share of mis¬ 
representation. First, its place in the trade-union movement is over emphasized. 
Practically half of the histories which mention trade-unionism do so only in connec¬ 
tion with strikes. It is clear that if it were not for their strike activities unions 
would be overlooked by the greater number of the history text-book writers. Second, 
the actual handling of strike material indicates that the average author fails to grasp 
the broader aspects and deeper significance of the trade-union movement. Some 
quotations from current texts will illustrate. The following is an extract from a text 
in economics by a well-known economist: 

"We may properly question whether workmen can best accomplish 
their objects by strikes, and shall consider in what the success of strikes 
depends.” 

The author goes on then to discuss such questions as the supply of labor, reserve 
funds of the union, state of the market, etc. He sums up: 

"There are, then, many things to be carefully considered if a strike 
is to succeed. If it fails, the workmen lose heavily. In fact, there have been 
comparatively jew successful strikes. If the cause is a worthy one, for which 
the workmen are willing to undergo great sacrifices, and stand out a great 
length of time, in such a case it is far more likely that an arrangement 
of the difficulty could be made in other ways than by strikes. Strikes are too 
often the result of hasty action and of submission to unwise leaders, who are 
willing to draw salaries for noisy harangues; and the losses to both sides 
might be saved by a reciprocal desire to talk the matter over calmly in a 
business-like fashion. There is probably scarcely a cause worth striking 
for which could not be amicably settled by a fair-minded discussion on 
both sides. Conciliation should be more practiced than it is now. Moreover 
if both sides can not agree as to the fairness of the demands, let them 
select between them an arbitrator in whose honesty and justice they have 
confidence, and agree to abide by his decision. This will avoid all losses and 
remove a great many misunderstandings.” 

There seems to be not the slightest question in the author’s mind but what 
the employers are always willing to settle disputes by conference. Consequently 
there is no necessity for a strike on the part of the union. 

* The thousands and thousands of agreements made by unions with their em¬ 
ployers, something which the public seldom if ever learns, are not even hinted in 
this text book nor does the author seem to have any conception that not necessarily 
the strike but the right to strike and the power to strike is the leverage which 
compels consideration for the rights and the interests of the wage earners. 

UNDUE CONSIDERATION OF THE "ABUSES” OF TRADE UNIONS 

Still other texts err in that practically the whole section devoted to labor is 
taken up with a critical analysis of the so-called closed shop, the standard wage, limi¬ 
tation of output and strikes and boycotts. The American Federation of Labor 
feels that these weapons should be analyzed and discussed but not to the exclusion 
of all other phases of union activity. It need hardly be pointed out that a study 
of trade-union weapons alone does not give a sound basis for an understanding of the 
labor movement as a whole. The negative side should be given but emphasis should 
be placed on the positive side of the work of trade unions. 

Trade unions foster education, safeguard child life, raise wages, and im¬ 
prove standards of life and work, increase independence, develop manhood, 
establish fraternity, reduce prejudice and induce liberality, enlarge society and 


27 


eliminate classes, create rights and abolish wrongs, lighten toil and brighten man¬ 
hood, cheer the home and fireside and help to make the world better—these are 
considerations which are not contained in the text books. 

USE OF OBSOLETE MATERIAL 

A surprisingly large number of current texts are revisions of older editions. There 
is no fault to find with this practice provided that the book is actually revised and 
not merely reprinted in large part. Twenty or thirty years can affect great changes 
in our social life. To fail to take cognizance of these changes condemns a text on its 
face. An illustration of the sort of obsolete material found in some books still in use 
is the following excerpt from an economics text: 

"Whether there is, or has ever been, any real industrial occasion 
for trade unions in the United States is fairly a matter for question." 

No economist writing today would make such an assertion. 

In a number of texts the trade-union movement is treated as of 1890 or even 
earlier. The Knights of Labor is discussed as the dominant national organization of 
labor. The American Federation of Labor is either not mentioned in this connec¬ 
tion or referred to in a footnote. Surely there have been changes worthy of note in 
the labor movement in the last thirty years. 

We have criticized certain more or less general failings of text-book treatment 
of the labor movement. We have pointed out specific forms of discrimination 
which we consider manifestly unfair. Whether intentional or due to gross ignorance, 
the inclusion of material obviously unfair to labor in text-books is bound to create 
an unfavorable and often irremovable impression in the plastic mind of the 
child. We can not emphasize too strongly the need for unbiased and intelligent 
handling of controversial subjects in both text-book and classroom. 

By analyzing in considerable detail the shortcomings of text-books in general 
we do not wish to obscure the fact that there are numerous excellent texts in use— 
texts which give a well-rounded and unbiased view of the social and industrial 
world in which we live. It is these texts which have made possible a critical analysis 
of all texts in the field. They show what can be done and is being done to equip 
the coming generations for their responsibilities as workers and citizens. 

The day of the formal text is rapidly passing. This is proved conclusively 
by a correlation of the date of publication with the type of book. Of the twenty-one 
history texts published since 1919, only three are of the old narrow type; similarly all 
but four of the nineteen civics published during this same period are so-called com¬ 
munity civics. With one exception the theoretical and formal civics and economics 
published since 1919 are revised editions. 

6. TEXT-BOO^S IN USE 

Not only is there an increasing supply of these better texts but also a steadily 
increasing demand. There-is an evident desire on the part of the school authorities 
to introduce the more progressive texts into the schools. 

The information gleaned from the answers to the questionnaires sent out by 
Moore, referred to before, show that out of 6,428 courses in civics in which a text¬ 
book was given, texts which we have evaluated as modern were used in 4,594, or 71 
per cent, of the courses, while the texts designated as formal were used in 1,301, or 
20 per cent, the remaining 384, or 9 per cent, being miscellaneous local texts. (A 
complete statement of the number of schools using each particular text in civics 


28 


economics and sociology is given in Appendices A, B, and C. Where less than four 
schools reported the use of a given text that text was included in the miscellaneous 
group.) The modern texts in most frequent use are Ashley’s “New Civics,” Beard’s 
“American Citizenship,” Dunn’s, “The Community and the Citizen,” Forman’s, 
“The American Democracy,” Hill’s, “Community Life and Civic Problems,” Hughes’, 
“Community Civics,” Magruder’s, “American Government in 1921,” and Reed’s, 
“Forms and Functions of American Government.” These books are being used in 
approximately half of all classes in civics. 

In economics we find that out of a total of 2,866 texts specified 1,073, or 37 per 
cent, are descriptive and 1,679, or 58 per cent, are theoretical. One hundred and 
fifteen, or 5 per cent, of the texts were classified as miscellaneous. Strangely enough, 
we do not find the same marked preference for the newer descriptive type of text¬ 
book in economics that we find in civics. The trend is in the right direction, how¬ 
ever, and as soon as teachers become more familiar with the subject they will demand 
the better texts in this field as they have in civics. The descriptive texts in widest use 
are Burch’s “American Economic Life,” Burch and Patterson’s “American Social 
Problems,” Hughes’, “Economic Civics,” Laing’s, “An Introduction to Economics,” 
Marshall & Lyon’s, “Our Economic Organization,” and Thompson’s, “Elementary 
Economics.” In sociology the books in use are all of the more modern type. Those 
most frequently reported are Burch and Patterson’s, “American Social Problems,” 
Elwood’s, “Sociology and Modern Problems,” Towne’s, “Social Problems,” and 
Tuft’s, “The Real Business of Living.” These four books are used in 88 per cent of the 
courses in sociology. 

As already pointed out we have no similar detail statistics from which to draw 
conclusions with reference to the nature of the text-books used in history. However, 
from more general information furnished by state superintendents of schools in 
response to a questionnaire and by publishers it appears that history compares favor¬ 
ably with civics in the ad 9 ption of the better type of text. The modem books which 
are most widely used are Ashley’s, “American History,” Beard and Bagley’s, “A 
First Book in American History,” Beard’s, “History of the United States,” Bourne & 
Benton’s, “History of the United States,” Cousins & Hills’, “American History,” 
Evans’, “The Essential Facts of American History,” Forman’s, “A History of the 
United States for Schools,” and “Advanced American History,” James & Sanford’s, 
“American History,” Mace’s, “School History of the United States,” Muzzey’s, 
“American History,” Thompson’s, “History of the United States, Political, Indus¬ 
trial and Social,” and West’s, “History of the American People.” 

THE SELECTION OF THE TEXT-BOOK 

We have shown that the newer and on the whole better texts are being used to a 
greater and greater extent in the schools. It may be well to consider for a moment 
who determines the specific text for use in a given course. 

In a number of states texts are prescribed, in others a list of texts is adopted 
by a text-book commission or by the state board of education, or in some instances, by 
the state superintendent of public instruction. From this list the county or city school 
authorities or the teachers, as the case may be, choose the particular text they 
wish to use. In the majority of states, however, the selection of text-books is left to the 
local school authorities. Information on this point was gathered by means of ques¬ 
tionnaires sent to all state superintendents of schools. # Of the twenty-six states 
heard from seven prescribed a given text or at most three texts from which the teacher 
could choose one. For each course in both elementary and secondary schools, three 


29 


prescribe a text for use in the grammar grades only, one in the high schools only, and 
fifteen states leave the selection of texts in all grades to the local school authorities. 

The text-books thus prescribed in certain states are on the whole good. With a 
few exceptions they are modern in tendency and liberal in viewpoint. Some of them 
are among the best texts on the particular subject. But, nevertheless, it should be 
borne in mind that there is danger in prescribing a text for use in a given course 
in all schools in the state. Reactionary forces may more easily be brought to bear 
upon the person or small group of persons who make the selection, than they could be 
upon school boards or teachers throughout the state. Furthermore a persuasive and 
energetic publisher’s agent may prevail upon a text-book commission to use his 
publication rather than a better text put out by a rival concern. If the text when 
once adopted could be readily changed there would not be so much danger from this 
sort of manipulation. But in' a number of states, the law requires that when a 
book has been adopted it can not be changed for a period ranging from four to 
six years. Rules of this sort probably account in part for the comparatively large 
number of schools still using texts which are out of date in every respect. Such a 
state of affairs should not be countenanced. 

8. SUBJECTS OF INVESTIGATION OUTSIDE OF CLASSROOM 

More progressive teachers of the social subjects have the students carry on 
investigations outside of the classroom. Information on the subjects investigated 
was obtained from the questionnaires sent out to high schools throughout the coun¬ 
try. The most popular subject in economics, judging from the answers given, is 
“local wage problems.” Half of all the subjects investigated are of particular interest 
to labor. (See Appendix D for the number of schools investigating each particular 
subject.) 

In civics the investigations followed more closely governmental activities 
but labor was mentioned as a topic in a number of instances. (See Appendix E-) 

9. TOPICS DISCUSSED IN CURRENT EVENTS 

In the teaching of current events, labor and industrial questions in general 
are also popular subjects for discussion. Topics quite generally listed in the 5,712 
schools which give courses in current events are strikes, labor and capital, economic 
industrial conditions, immigration, cost of living, and social problems. (See Appendix 

F.) 

From a study of these it appears that whether considered in text-books 
or not the subjects of trade unionism and the problems of industry are of such live 
interest that they can not be kept out of the schools. It is therefore highly essential 
that the teacher be equipped to teach the social sciences and be able to keep the 
classroom work and discussion on the proper plane. 

10. THE INCLUSION OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN COURSES OF STUDY 

Both teacher and pupil are profoundly influenced in their thinking by the text¬ 
book provided. It usually determines the facts to be taught and the method of 
teaching them. Where text-book selection is optional with the local school authorities 
it may readily be seen that a great variety of texts will be in use with the result 
that the students in no two schools will come out with quite the same fund of informa¬ 
tion. Some may have failed entirely to get certain facts and points of view con¬ 
sidered essential by the teaching profession. In an attempt to systematize and 
standardize the teaching of a given subject within a city or state, detailed courses of 


30 


study have in many instances been worked out as a guide for teachers in that city or 
state. The average teacher follows these outlines more or less slavishly, teaching 
only that which is laid before him. It is therefore important to determine whether 
the central school authorities who prepare these courses of study include the labor 
movement and allied subjects as topics for consideration in courses in civics and his¬ 
tory. With this in mind, thirty-eight recently issued manuals of courses of study 
on file at the U. S. Bureau of Education were carefully surveyed. Approximately half 
of them did not mention labor questions in any connection and a large proportion 
of the remainder did not outline the subject with sufficient intelligence to make the 
method of approach clear to the teacher. 

One outline for use in the junior high school of a large city advocates the teach¬ 
ing of "the effect of immigration on labor problems.” This is the only mention made 
of labor. In another outline extensively used the only reference to labor is in connec¬ 
tion with the strike of 1876. A typical outline of the better type reads as follows: 

"The Labor Problem—necessity for labor organization, methods of 
enforcing demands, the public and strikes, some memorable strikes, welfare 
work and cooperation.” 

An exceptionally good course of study suggests the following topics for considera- 
tion'under "Health”: 

"Length of the working day. 

Need for adequate wage. 

Sanitary regulations. 

Prevention of occupational diseases. 

Regulation of work of children under 16 years.” 

Under "Wealth” we find trade unions listed as "voluntary organizations aiding 
industry.” In this connection the following advice is given to teachers: 

"Pupils who are acquainted with members of labor organizations may be 
asked to find out what they can about such organizations; how their mem¬ 
bership is made up, the purpose of the unions, what they do for their 
members, the local union of workers within a trade, the federation of the 
unions. 

"These pupils should then report to the class their findings and be 
ready if possible to answer questions which other members of the class may 
wish to ask. The positive rather than the negative side of the work of labor 
unions should be emphasized. Bring out the idea of the service the uni on 
may render the community by protecting the interests of the working man 
and by raising hiswages and his standard of living.” 


31 


PART IV 


Conclusions 

The following conclusions are warranted as a result of our investigation: 

1. Although there are selfish and reactionary forces at work endeavor¬ 
ing to influence public school education, the effect of these forces is mini¬ 
mized to a large extent by those progressive bodies striving to raise the 
educational standard along lines considered sound by our most eminent 
educators. 

2. .Nevertheless these reactionary forces have done considerable harm 
to public education, not so much by their direct influence on the content 
of text-books and curricula as by the subtle prejudices they have created 
especially in the minds of legislators and public education officers. These 
prejudices work themselves out on the great body of teachers, tending to 
deprive them of independence of thought and action. Indeed the very 
moral freedom of teachers has been and is being menaced by these forces. 
Thus perhaps our schools are facing their greatest crisis in this quarter. 
This situation can best be met by full publicity and by organization of 
the teachers themselves. 

3. Virtually all educational authorities agree that the social sciences 
should be taught much more extensively than at present, and in fact should 
become the backbone of our educational system, especially that of secon¬ 
dary education. .One authority in particular would allocate one-third 
of the entire curriculum in our schools from the kindergarten to the end 
of the A. B. course in college to the social sciences. 

4. The researches and conclusions of prominent educational authorities 
who have given special consideration to the social studies show that the his¬ 
tory, achievements, status and ideals of the trade-union movement in the 
modern world form one of the most important parts in the adequate pre¬ 
sentation of these sciences. This important conclusion is further con¬ 
firmed by the expressed opinions and judgments of, a large number of our 
most prominent educators as determined by special inquiry. The neces¬ 
sity for presenting both sides of any controversial phase of the labor move¬ 
ment is also stressed by these authorities. The whole course of the American 
Federation of Labor has been in entire accord with this position. 

5. From two comprehensive surveys, one conducted in 1919 and another 
in 1922, and from other material and data surveyed, it is evident that the 
teaching of the social sciences is making headway in our public schools. 
Modern standards, however, are observed only in a portion of the schools 
teaching the social sciences, so that there is still much progress to be made 
in this respect. 

6. One especially serious situation with respect to the extent to which 
these subjects are being taught is that economics, civics, sociology or kin¬ 
dred subjects are, in most instances, given only in the last two years of high 
school. Thus a great number of students, even including those who pass 
through the junior high school, are deprived of an opportunity to become 
informed in these very important fields. 

7. Courses of study and text-books in history, civics, economics and 
sociology are beginning to reflect the conclusions of educators that the 
labor movement as a force in recent and modem life is of such vital impor¬ 
tance that it can not be disregarded in our schools. The treatment of 
labor, its history, accomplishments, aims, and ideals, in modem text¬ 
books, although much better than that accorded in the older typp of texts, is 
still far from ideal. Errors, misstatement of facts, and misplaced emphasis 
are sometimes found. Again inadequacy of treatment as well as the pre¬ 
sentation of obsolete material by some text-book writers tends seriously 
to minimize the importance of the labor movement in the texts of these 
authors. 

We feel confident in general that no insurmountable obstacles exist which will 
interfere witheffecting continuous improvements in the treatment of labor by the 
text-books devoted to the social sciences. 



32 


PART Y 


Appendices 

A. The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text 
in Civics. 

B. The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text 
in Economics. 

C. The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text 
in Sociology. 

D. Observations, Investigations, etc., Carried on Out¬ 
side the School for Economics Course by Number of 
Schools. 

E. Observations, Investigations, etc., Carried on Out¬ 
side of School for Civics Course by Number of 
Schools. 

F. Typical Subjects Discussed in Current Events by 
Number of Schools. 



33 


APPENDIX A 


The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text in Civics 


Author 

Title 

Number of 
Schools 
Using 

•Adams. .. 

A Community Civics 

10 

•Ashley.. 

The New Civics. 

581 

•Beard.. 

American Citizenship. 

96 

Boynton. 

School Civics 

252 

Clark. 

The Government. 

6 

♦Dole 

The New American Citizen 

9 

♦Dimn 

The Community and the Citizen 

317 

♦Finch 

Everyday Civics. 

24 

♦Forman 

The American Democracy. 

298 

Garner. 

Government in the United States_ 

210 

♦Giles . 

Vocational Civics 

58 

Guitteau. 

Government and Politics in the United 


States. 

494 

♦Hill 

Community Life and Civic Problems. 

31 

Hinsdale 

The American Government 

14 

•Hughes 

Community Civics _ 

1,492 

151 

James &-Sanford .. . 

Government in State and Nation.. 

•Lapp „ _ 

Our America ... 

32 

♦Magmder 

American Government in 1921 . 

1,159 

♦Midp 

City, State and Nation _ _ 

7 

Peterman 

Elements of Civil Government. 

5 

Philips 

Nation and State 

11 

♦Reed.-. 

Forms and Functions of American Gov¬ 


ernment. 

417 

Peinsch . 

Civil Government.__ _ _ 

8 

♦Stickles . 

Elements of Government. 

43 

♦Tiirkington 

My Country .. 

14 

Woodhnm and Moran 

Citizen find Republic_ _ 

150 

♦Ziegler & Jacquette. 

Our Community. 

6 

Miscellaneous 


523 

Total 


6,428 




•Social and community civics, rather than purely governmental. 




































































34 


APPENDIX B 


The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text in Economics 


Author 

Title 

Number of 
Schools 
Using 

•Adams 

Description of Industry . 

21 

Bullock . 

The Elements of Econdmics and Intro- 



duction to the Study of Economics . 

284 

•Burch 

American Economic Life . 

108 

Burch & Nearing 

Elements of Economics . 

199 

•Burch & Patterson . 

Problems of American Democracy and 


American Social Problems. 

10 

•Carlton 

Elementary Economics. 

13 

Carver. 

Elementary Economics and Principles of 


Political Economy.. 

494 

•Ellwood. . 

Sociology and Modem Problems _ . 

7 

Ely ... __ 

Outlines of Economics . 

33 

Ely & Wicker . 

Elementary Principles of Economies 

521 

•Hughes 

Economic Civics 

47 

Johnson . 

Introduction to Economics .... 

5 

*Laing. .. 

An Introduction to Economics . 

96 

Eaughlin . 

Elements of Political Economy 

129 

•Marshall & Eyon . 

Our Economic Organisation 

54 

Sea ger ... _ 

Economics—Briefer Course . 

10 

•Tlinmpsrm 

Elementary Economics 

671 

*T nwnp 

Social Problems 

16 

•Tufts 

The Peal Business of Living _ 

24 

Walker . 

First Lessons in Political Economy . 

4 

Miscellaneous 


120 

Total . 


2,866 




•Modern and descriptive texts, rather than formal and theoretical. 


APPENDIX C 


The Number of Schools Using Each Specified Text in Sociology 


Author 

Title 

Number of 
Schools 
Using 

•Burch & Patterson. 

American Social Problems. 

241 

•Ellwood. 

Sociology and Modem Problems .. 

412 

®Towne._. 

Social Problems. 

558 

•Tufts. 

The Real Business of Living. 

68 

M iscellaneous. 


182 

Total. 


1,461 




•Modern and descriptive texts, rather than formal and theoretical. 




































































35 


APPENDIX D 


Observations, Investigations, etc., Carried On Outside the School for Economics 
Course by Number of Schools 


Visit local plants. 

Local wage problems. 

Local standard of living. 

Local school problem. 

Markets and production... 

Local taxation. 

Visits to banks and banking. 

Comparison of local conditions with others. 

Cost of living.. 

Rents and housing. 

Visit Public institutions. 

Organization of a social problems club. 

Corporations... 

Visit stock exchange.-. 

Study local strikes. 

Study daily market reports.-. 

Local application—workingmen’s compensation. 

Visit stores... 

City ordinances. 

Americanization. 

Transportation... 

Talks by professional and business men. 

Agriculture.. 

Visits to courts. 

Local agencies of government...... 

Local improvements_!. 

Race question...... 

Interview business and professional men. 

Labor.. 

Community surveys.. 

Visit post office... 

Local economic conditions. 

Natural resources. 

Investments. 

Public utilities. 

Immigration.... 

Tariff—... 

International relations. 

Social welfare... 

Socialism. 

Crime. 

M iscellaneous... 


202 

25 

9 

15 
45 
34 

109 

16 
53 
18 
22 

1 

12 

11 

13 

48 

3 
37 
11 

v 4 
43 
34 
42 
15 
27 
7 
5 

14 

48 

62 

2 

174 

22 

5 

10 

6 
2 

11 

32 

7 

4 
71 


Total. 


1,331 
















































36 


APPENDIX E 


Observations, Investigations, etc., Carried On Outside the School for Civics Course 

by Number of Schools 

Visit courts. 861 

Visit legislative bodies. 201 

Visit city or local government departments- 396 

Study activities of local government_ 916 

Study local industrial conditions and plants_ 205 

Study of local community problems....— 217 

History of community—past and current.. 36 

Study of local elections.../-- 330 

Labor. 18 

Public utilities. 100 

Report activities of Chamber of Commerce. 19 

City or town planning. 44 

Town sanitation (sewers, etc)._. 79 

Local taxation. 71 • 

Local park and recreation centers.,_ 36 

Study milk supply. 15 

Education...... 72 

Agriculture. 28 

Welfare and charitable institutions. 59 

Report world conferences. 40 

Public institutions... 65 

Public health.:.. 87 

Business men talk to class... 47 

Local crime and its treatment. 5 

Local Americanization work... 33 

Visit slums...:_ 12 

Immigration... 9 

Transportation.. 52 

Vocational selection investigation. 18 

Cost of living.. 29 

Miscellaneous. 872 


Total. 


4,972 




































37 


APPENDIX F 

Typical Subjects Discussed in Current Events by Number of Schools 


Arms Conference. 1,926 

Fax eastern problems. 290 

Strikes, capital and labor.585 

International relations...,. 901 

Domestic politics. 657 

Transportation problems. 179 

Irish situation. 616 

Prohibition-. 98 

Tariff..—. 65 

Taxation.-. 134 

Mechanical inventions.*_. 211 

Scientific discoveries. 274 

Race questions. 123 

Russia. 91 

Prominent people... 106 

Crime. 46 

Agriculture—. 98 

Education—. 86 

Public health. 20 

Debs case... 16 

Cost of living..... 58 

Economic industrial conditions—. 665 

Legislative activities—. 654 

Geographic results of war. 25 

Immigration—..._. 143 

Americanization. 31 

Literature and art. 104 

Local improvements..... 51 

Conservation and reclamation. 43 

Britain’s colonies. 22 

Mexican situation. 6 

Suffrage. 4 

Allied debt. 33 

German indemnity. 52 

France... 23 

Socialism. 10 

Soldier bonus. 51 

Social welfare. 70 

European problems. 110 

Public utilities... 6 

Social problems. 231 

Commerce. 1 18 

Miscellaneous..— 172 


Total..___ 9,104 



















































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